you know, all of these
reactionary replies to perfectly acceptable questions by Nistiman are very interesting. one may ask "why is Nistiman so apparently hated by outsiders?" and this is not the first time this has happened.
i have had a fairly involved discussion over the question of PKK with tomjez and did not draw such responses. i posted a long reply in support of the kurdish right to armed liberation and did not get such responses. this causes me to wonder what if i had a different user name? what if my user name were "serhildan" or "welat" or "ronahî" (all the PKK experts should remember that one), or (omg!) "zilan?" i have already been characterized thusly: "you are a stupid kurd and I know you are from Turkey" on this forum (a characterization which i consider to be a magnificent honor), so what if i had a PKK-sounding user name and displayed my PKK sympathies and everyone believed i were bakurî? would i also get such reactionary replies to perfectly good and acceptable questions?
perhaps this is part of that which Nistiman purposely avoided so far, the question of why kurds might be bothered by ocalan or PKK. . . ? although i believe that this, too, is a very interesting and legitimate matter of discussion.
Vladimir, i could come along and post all day about talabanî and i would get no reaction like the one i would get, and Nistiman does get, if i, instead, came along and posted all day about ocalan. also, if ocalan is in prison, if his role is over and he can do nothing, why the reaction? if demonstrating for apo on the streets gets one nowhere, why the reaction? if all of it is finished and relegated to the trashcan of history, why is PKK still on "The List?"
i think you also missed the point that Nistiman was making on the statements she posted about ocalan. she stated quite clearly what PKK supporters
might say about the reason ocalan has drawn the enmity of the west. do you disagree that PKK supporters might, in fact, make those kinds of arguments to explain the hatred directed at ocalan?
you further state that:
a. Ocalan worked together with Saddam/Baathist for a little time
so did KDP. so did PUK. so what?
b. PKK worked with Iran for some time
so did and, apparently so does, PUK. not to mention the fact that KDP has worked for sometime with ankara and still does. as regards this ankara/KDP relationship, PKK never objected to KDPs practical reasons for the relationship, i.e. keeping the border open to allow humanitarian aid and goods to flow into kurdistan bashur after the gulf war. PKK objected to the relationship when it engaged in joint military operations against PKK.
c. Ocalan worked together with Bashar Al Assad. Nothing changed for the Kurds in West-Kurdistan.. only difference is.. that they had to give thousands of Kurds as peshmerga's. (FORCED)
again, KDP also worked within rojava with the go-ahead from syria. this is hardly different than your statement that ocalan worked with the saddam regime for a time. as for "forcing" the rojavayî to supply gerîlas, do you have a source for that? because the same propaganda was made against PKK by the turkish government and, although at first this seemed to be the case in turkish-occupied kurdistan, it did not hold true later. and i do have a source for that. please, provide me with a source that i may examine it. also please stop with the pol pot comparisons. i have heard this before and it is way over the top. ocalan, for all his faults, can never be compared with pol pot. look to hitler or stalin for proper comparisons.
given the fact that other kurdish parties and leaders have behaved in similar ways to ocalan, why do
you oppose ocalan so vehemently?
tomjez writes:
No right to love
No right to have friends
You must cut every link to your family
No right to think by yourself
have you never served in any military, tomjez? because these statements apply to the military wing of PKK, not the political. how does one maintain proper military morale if soldiers are not disciplined? also, do you really believe that military people have no friends? because such is definitely not the case. if gerîlas left their families to become gerîlas, how do you expect them to maintain contact with their families or why? do you wish them to further endanger their families with the turkish security forces (and this question also goes back to the so-called "forcing" or "kidnapping" of young people to become gerîlas, if you will just think about it rationally)? do you prefer that they endanger their families? every gerîla went to the mountains with the distinct knowledge that they would probably never see their families again, due to the ever present danger of the ever present turkish security forces. so, these are very practical reasons for PKKs insistence on personal discipline and they apply, in varying degrees, to military people the world over.
as for "no right to think by yourself," i have to echo Nistiman and, additionally ask you, are you thinking freely in regards to PKK or ocalan, especially when the question raised by Nistiman--once again. . . remember her armed struggle question?--is legitimate and does not necessarily mean that anyone who raises the issue is apocî.
i will ask you also, tomjez, as i asked Vladimir, why do
you oppose ocalan so vehemently?
Nistiman, i have to go for a little while, but i am definitely coming back to your question because it is an important one. perhaps, if others had given their reasons for their hatred of ocalan, we might be closer to discovering the answer. i still see this as the dichotomy i mentioned earlier, but i have also begun to wonder about the west's perception of a shift in the balance of power, or status quo, if indeed we did have a strong kurdish voice emanating from the region. i have also been wondering why other leaders have not drawn upon themselves the same hatred of the west, but in fact, many other leaders have great western supporters. . .such as arafat had, or sheikh yassin. . . even sinn fein leaders never drew the same hatred. as a result, your question is totally legitimate and may even be crucial to a better understanding of where kurdayetî stands today and what direction it needs to take for the future. let it not be forgotten that kurdayetî did have its birth among the bakurî.
also, i think i understand perfectly well what you are saying about the way in which the PKK cadres choose to live. . . but i will try to address that further as well.
serkeftin, hevala min!