Iraqi Kurdish claim for federalism

[bamerni]

A Kurdish-Arab Partnership

Date: 26 December 2003
Source: Iraqi Kurdistan Dispatch

In an article, published on 21 December 2003 in the Arabic-language Al-Ta'akhi newspaper, entitled: "The voluntary union within a united federal Iraq is not just a settlement for the Kurdish issue but a settlement for the Iraqi issue as well", the Kurdistan Democratic Party leader, Mas'ud Barzani, outlined the general lines of the federal status that he considers as the most appropriate for the Kurds in Iraq. Following are excerpts from the article. For editorial reasons, we inserted subheadings.

By Mas'ud Barzani

It has been a while now that I have been feeling concerned and uncomfortable regarding the issue of federalism, and the future of Iraq and the Kurds. I deem it necessary to express my personal views and perception, in this article, regarding the way of settling the issue and regarding the establishment of a pluralist, federal, parliamentary and democratic Iraq. I would be pleased with any remarks being published on my views that some sides or people would like to make, in order for us all to reach a common conviction.

Background

The Kurdish issue is not an issue of citizenship to be settled in a democratic atmosphere by representatives of one side or on its behalf. The issue of the Kurds is a political and national issue. After World War I, their homeland, Kurdistan, was divided against their will among more than one state. The part which is now called "Iraqi Kurdistan" was, consequently, attached to Iraq. Since then, successive governments in Baghdad tried to annihilate the Kurds, using most horrific and savage means. They also tried to alter the demographic reality of Kurdistan and to view the Kurdish people’s claim within a racist perception. They [Iraqi governments] continued upholding their authority by pursuing an iron fist policy without taking into account the Kurdish nation, which has a history, civilization and a territory.

The repression increased on a daily basis to an extent that the Kurds could no longer stand such repression, and started defending themselves, their existence and land, thanks to the efforts of their devoted sons, [launching a series of Kurdish revolts throughout the 20th century in Iraq].

In the Spring of 1991, [following the first US-led Gulf War], Iraqi Kurds rose up and achieved freedom. Here, we should thank the stances of the United States, Britain, Turkey and France, for the time they participated [in patrolling the safe haven created for the Kurds in northern Iraq in 1991]. They protected our people for the last 12 years, during which the [Kurdish] people proved in practice that, if they have the opportunity, they could run their affairs in an organized way ...

The Kurds in post-Saddam Iraq

After the events of 11 September [2001] in the United States and the coalition’s decision to overthrow the former [Iraqi] regime; and after obtaining reassurances that they [US] would not abandon us in the middle of the road, as had happened in the past, the Kurdistan Democratic Party participated, confidently, in the liberation of Iraq. We offered fighters and shed blood to achieve the objective. I would say proudly that the governorates of Mosul and Kirkuk were liberated mainly by the peshmerga of Kurdistan.

The objective of participation of Kurdistan peshmerga in Iraq liberation operation was not only the overthrow of the Ba’ath Party regime, but also to guarantee the rights of the people of Kurdistan. There was a clear and frank agreement on the major outlines regarding the future of Iraq. Therefore, any side which aims at uniting Iraq should abide by these outlines of principles, and should safeguard the particular nature of the Kurdistan Region, as a territory, a nation, and a people.

The situation now is different from the past. The Kurds have been successful in running their affairs, established several civil society institutions like [the regional] parliament and [regional] government, which are great achievements.

The Kurds, today, consider these achievements as their possession, which came to existence with the [shedding of the] blood of their devoted sons. They are ready to make great sacrifices for the sake of safeguarding them and ensuring a happy life for their sons, away from tragedies and painful memories.

The existing [self-rule] situation of the Kurds is their legitimate right and it is based on the right to self-determination, which is part of international law. After 12 years of self-rule, without the control of the Baghdad government, the Kurds will not accept less than their existing situation. They aspire for the inclusion of the other Kurdish areas in the Kurdistan region, which, before the liberation of Iraq, were subject to the policy of demographic change by the [former] central authority.

Those who are interested in the issue of a united Iraq, should know very well that it would be difficult for them to convince the Kurdish people after all these tragedies, ordeals and displacement policies to remain deprived from their rights in Iraq. This makes it essential that the brother Arabs respect the Kurdish decision and would not be hesitant regarding [the fulfilment of] any right of the Kurdish rights in Iraq. By this I mean that there are now some Iraqi and foreign sides that, to some extent, point to the federalism of governorates, which is rejected by the Kurds, because the Kurdish people have not been struggling throughout history for separating the Kurdish governorates from each other. They have struggled for the safeguarding of Kurdistan’s historical borders and not dismantling it. The Kurds' achievements in 1970 [when their political movement signed the 11 March 1970 agreement with the Iraqi government, recognizing an autonomous status for the Kurds to be proclaimed within four years], were far more than federalism of the governorates, which is called for now.

The Iraqi issue should not be settled separately from the Kurdish issue, because the Kurdish people, who have a cause, consider that federalism is the best solution for their issue. Therefore, all future [Iraqi] governments should avoid the fatal errors that successive Iraqi governments in Baghdad have committed, and not neglect the will of the Kurdish people, because it is a will which is generated from an endless strength. The Kurdish people will not allow its will, which is inseparable from the will of the Kurdistan parliament, to be neglected.

Thus, respecting this will and accepting the idea of voluntary union between the Kurdish and Arab peoples in a united Iraq is not only a settlement for the Kurdish issue, but for the Iraqi issue as well.

Iraqi Kurds perception of federalism

The federalism which the Kurdish people demand, and which the Kurdistan parliament endorsed [in 1992], is a political federalism in its geographic and national meanings, where the Kurds would have the right to run their affairs, practise their authority and assume their responsibilities, and guarantee all the rights of the Turkoman and Chaldeo-Assyrian brothers, as well as religious freedom, on the basis of the local constitution of the Region and the constitution of the central state. This would allow the Kurds to actually participate in political decision making, not only within their Region but also at the level of the whole Iraqi federal state.

When we speak about federalism, we should not forget the issue of Kirkuk and the other newly-liberated Kurdish areas from the vestiges [former Iraqi policy] of the demographic change and displacement, because these towns and townships were in the past and still are the main concern of the Kurds. If the Kurds claim these areas, particularly Kirkuk, it is not because it is an oil-rich city as some sides claim, but because these towns and townships are an important part of Kurdish history. They are within the administrative and geographic boundaries of Kurdistan. Throughout Iraq’s history, particularly after the 11 March [1970] autonomy agreement, they [these areas] have been subjected to all kinds of policies of Arabization, forced displacement and ethnic cleansing. These policies were one of the reasons for fighting breaking out again in 1974.

To sum up, we are extremely attached to preserving the Kurdish-Arab brotherhood and would be satisfied to keep the common values between them as a principle objective. The future situation of Iraq necessitates the participation of Kurds and Arabs in it in the form of a voluntary coexistence between them, which would take into consideration the particular nature of the people of Kurdistan. The imposition of an unacceptable formula on the Kurdish people should not be thought about in any form or shape, because it would certainly lead to undesired consequences. We would not want the Kurds to resort to other choices.

We will make every effort to defend a united Iraq providing that it is a federal, parliamentary, and democratic Iraq.

Al-Ta'akhi, 21 December 2003